c. 1999 Religion News Service

JERUSALEM _ New Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak may have been elected in a landslide victory granting him a historic mandate to restart the stalled Middle East peace process, but the first challenge he now faces is on the home front, where he must bridge a growing rift between Israeli secularists and Orthodox Jewish politicians.

Parliamentary election results have recorded a dramatic upswing in the power of both ultra-Orthodox religious groups on the right, and secularists on the left _ which is generally where Barak personally fits in the Israeli political spectrum.

The ultra-Orthodox Shas party, composed of religious Jews of Middle Eastern origin, increased its power from 10 to 17 seats in a campaign that railed against the powers of Israel’s civil courts.

Meanwhile, two secularist parties, Meretz and Shinui, increased their standing from nine to 16 seats in a campaign that promised to curb government allocations to the ultra-Orthodox and limit the influence of rabbinical authorities in the realm of marriage, divorce and Jewish identity.

Despite its religious leanings, Shas, which represents some 500,000 Israeli voters, is eager to join Barak’s new government and share in the fruits of power, including ministerial portfolios and patronage positions. But within hours of Monday’s (May 17) election, Barak was deluged by phone calls and faxes from his own supporters begging him to keep the ultra-Orthodox groups out of his government.

On Wednesday, Meretz leader Yossi Sarid joined the anti-Shas chorus. Noting that Shas leader Arye Deri was recently convicted of corruption and fraud, Sarid said his party would not share power with a party that is led by a convicted felon and had incited against the court system during the recent election campaign. “Shas and Meretz won’t sit in the same government,”Sarid vowed as Barak began a series of private meetings to put together a cabinet that would represent a majority of Israel’s 120 Knesset (parliament) members.

Under Israel’s system of government, Barak needs the support of a broad parliamentary majority to govern effectively _ even though the prime minister himself was elected by a direct ballot.

Pleas for social unity between secular and religious Jews have been a hallmark of Barak’s election campaign. From the beginning of his leadership quest in January, Barak sought to balance out the ardently secular image of his veteran Labor party by opening party ranks to other groups. Significantly, the expanded Labor party coalition, eventually renamed One Israel, included some prominent members of Israel’s dovish religious movement, Meimad.

Less than 24 hours after being elected, Barak made an important gesture to Orthodox Israelis by visiting the Western Wall, Judaism’s holiest site, for prayers along with Meimad leaders and rabbis. He also has peppered his recent speeches, including his victory address, with biblical quotes and references _ an uncommon touch for ex-military men of his generation.

However, such symbolic gestures are unlikely to satisfy the ultra-Orthodox parties, such as Shas, which have shared power in every Israeli government for nearly two decades. In the process, they have become dependent on billions of dollars annually in government aid to sustain their schools and other institutions.”Mr. Barak faces a big challenge,”said Rabbi David Rosen, director of the Israel office of the Anti-Defamation League.”He has presented himself as Mr. Unity who will heal the rifts in Israeli society. But it is unlikely that he’ll be able to get all of the different social streams to sit down together. He’ll have to make certain choices.” Rosen, as well as many other Israeli analysts, are betting that Barak will ultimately prefer an alliance with the hawkish Likud, and perhaps the mainstream National Religious Party, over the ultra-Orthodox Shas.

But other observers believe that Shas is so desperate to remain close to power that it will agree to almost any offer that Barak extends, and prove to be a more flexible partner in peace negotiations. Shas officials themselves have sought to bolster that impression recently.”If I had to recommend a party to Barak, it would be Shas. We’ve proven our loyalty to the governments with which we enter into a coalition,”said Shas official Eli Suissa, an outgoing Interior Minister.

Yet whether or not Shas is formally included in Barak’s coalition, it appears that this week’s election may still usher in a longer term sea change in the religious-secular balance of Israeli political life and society.

For the first time in nearly two decades, the election results broke the deadlock between hawks and doves in the Israeli parliament, and registered a strong overall tilt to the center-left.

That has put Barak in the enviable position of being the first prime minister since 1977 who could, at least in theory, form a government backed by a minimum of 61 parliamentarians without including any members of religious parties.

That fact, on its own, is likely to gradually diminish the power of the Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox parties in Israeli political life after years in which they were an absolutely essential component of any right- or left-wing coalition. “The whole nature of Israeli society is moving away from the overwhelming focus on foreign affairs to the focus on internal affairs,”said Rosen.”And as a result, the distinction between religion and state came much more into focus in this election campaign.” In this chaotic period of change, however, the new prime minister is likely to tread carefully in making far-reaching changes in the status quo of religion and state, Rosen predicted.

For the moment, the most likely reform Barak will initiate will be a major curtailment in the allocation of billions of dollars in public funds to ultra-Orthodox religious institutions that serve a relatively limited sector of the Israeli public, and are widely perceived by other Israelis as an economic drain.

More controversial changes in the status quo of religion and state to recognize civil marriage and non-Orthodox conversions are likely over the long term.

More immediately, both secular and religious politicians will wait anxiously to see whether Barak fulfills campaign promises to draft tens of thousands of ultra-Orthodox yeshiva (advanced religious school) students who historically have been exempt from military service in Israel.

The promise proved popular for Barak the candidate in his appeal to disgruntled secular Israelis who believe that ultra-Orthodox youths are prone to draft-dodging. But Barak the prime minister is likely to seek a staged approach to the problem, some believe, so as not to ignite ultra-Orthodox fury.

The Barak-allied Meimad movement, for instance, has recommended that the government seek to draft yeshiva students first for some sort of national service _ which might be more acceptable in ultra-Orthodox circles than army service.”We think that the ultra-Orthodox community is ready to make significant steps to fulfilling its civic responsibilities,”said Rabbi Tzvi Wolff, a Meimad official.”But if they feel under attack, then they also will react in a more defensive way.” IR END FLETCHER